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Unit-1 HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA
BA (Hons.) History
University of Delhi
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Survey of Sources
UNIT 1 SURVEY OF SOURCES*
Structure
1 Objectives
1 Introduction
1 Arabic and Persian Historic Traditions
1 Political Chronicles: Delhi Sultanate
1.3 Hasan Nizami 1.3 Minhaj-us Siraj Juzjani 1.3 Amir Khusrau 1.3 Ziauddin Barani 1.3 Thakkar Pheru 1.3 Isami 1.3 Shams Siraj Afif 1.3 Yahya bin Ahmad Sirhindi
1 Insha (Epistolography) Tradition
1 Official Documents
1 Inscriptions
1.6 Arabic and Persian Inscriptions 1.6 Sanskrit Inscriptions
1 Sufi Writings
1 Arab Accounts
1.8 Arab Geographers’ Accounts 1.8 Ibn Battuta
1 Sanskrit Literature
1 Literature in the Regional Languages
- 10 Social Background of the Development of Regional Languages
- 10 Literature in the Regional Languages of North India
- 10 Literature in the Regional Languages of South India
1 Summary
1 Keywords
1 Check Your Progress Exercises
1 Suggested Readings
1 Instructional Video Recommendations
*** Prof. Abha Singh, School of Social Sciences, Indira Gandhi National Open University,** New Delhi and Prof. R. Bahuguna, Department of History and Culure, Jamia Milia Islamia, New Delhi. Sections 1 and 1 are taken from IGNOU Course EHI-03: India: From 8th to 15th Century , Block 8, Unit 33, Sections 33.5-33.
Interpreting
The Delhi Sultanate 1 OBJECTIVES
The present Unit aims at providing you a sweeping glimpse of the tradition of historical writings of the Sultanate India. After reading the Unit, you will be able to know:
the traditions of Arabic and Persian historiography and differences in their styles of writing,
some of the Arabic and Persian historical writings on/in India,
features of dynastic history writings,
malfuzat literary traditions,
insha writings and how the insha tradition developed over the period,
importance of inscriptions as an important source of history writing,
how did the availability of official documents and orders enrich our understanding of the Sultanate period,
understanding of foreign travellers on India,
Arab travellers, their perception of India and their influence on the overall understanding of the Sultanate period,
the reasons behind the decadence that had crept into the quality of Sanskrit works produced during the period under review,
about the origin and growth of Urdu language,
the factors responsible for the growth of regional languages and literature, and
about the nature of cultural and literary synthesis achieved in this period.
1 INTRODUCTION
The present Unit aims at addressing three basic questions: a) understanding of the history of medieval historians. For this Barani is of great importance; b) The second question is why did they write? What was the purpose of their writings? These writings were either written for a desire of fame; to please their patrons; and at times for rewards; while a few wrote for leaving records for posterity; and c) Third dominant aspect was that their writings dominated the religious discourse; ‘God’; ‘Almighty’s will’ was central to all happenings. This does not mean that intrigues, administration, etc. did not form part of their writings. How should one write history? Some of the medieval historians/chroniclers, particularly Zia Barani, were aware of the importance of history writings (we would be discussing them in separate Sections); if it is not treated honestly they knew about its dangers. History is all about changes. Though focus of medieval historians was on dynastic histories, nonetheless they were aware of changes from one dynasty over the other and they often discuss and remark about that – change of ideas, institutions, often relationships (among groups).
Interpreting The Delhi Sultanate
Khaldun’s (d. 1404) Muqaddimah conceives dynamism of the human society, human associations ( ijtima ) with emphasis on causality. He attributes the spirit of solidarity ( asbiya ) of the clan as the chief factor behind the strength of the rulers/ dynasties. Persian historiography narrowed down the scope of history and centered around political history and life of the rulers and nobility than a socio-religious history of the age. Thus, Persian histories were dynastic histories ; histories of the kings and ‘aristocracy’. Persian historians preferred to dedicate their work to the ruler considering necessary to ‘enhance the value of their work’. Minhaj-i Siraj Juzjani dedicated his Tabaqat-i Nasiri to Nasiruddin Mahmud, Ziauddin Barani dedicated his Tarikh-i Firuzshahi to Firuz Shah Tughlaq. Persian histories largely lack the discussions on literati, scholars and saints and their mention is made generally in the context of rulers. Minhaj’s period was vibrant in sufi activities of great Chishti and Suhrawardi saints (Muinuddin Chishti, Bakhtiyar Kaki, Hamiduddin Nagori); but, they are largely missing from his narrative. However, though Barani’s history also fell largely in Persian historiographic tradition, in his writings a subtle change is evident. He does mention scholars and sufis, though occasionally. Even, while depicting court life mention is made of musician-dancers Nusrat Bibi, Mihr Afroz; similarly though he looked down upon low born, in that process he mentions about them reaching the highest position – Ladha, the gardener, Babu Nayak, the weaver, Manka, the cook. Abul Fazl further radically modified and combined in his writings both the Arabic and Persian styles of history writings. Later, generally all historians started including the narratives of scholars and literati and the sufis along with their political narratives. The Arabic historic tradition remained prominent till the tenth century; Persian renaissance under Firdausi and later under Shaikh Sa’di Shirazi gradually took over the Arabic tradition of history writing. No sooner Persian takes over Arabic and became the vehicle of communication and those of the Sultans and the nobles and the literati. In India it was the Persian historic tradition that dominated the Persian writings. Chachnama that focuses on Muhammad bin Qasim’s India (particularly Sindh) and Al- Biruni’s Kitab-ul Hind were written in Arabic style. Hasan Nizami, when asked to compose in Persian ( Taj-ul Ma’asir ) felt disappointed for he considered Arabic as the only proper language to write. Check Your Progress-
- What were the characteristics of Arabic tradition of history writing?
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- What were the characteristics of Persian tradition of history writing? ........................................................................................................................ ........................................................................................................................
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Survey of Sources
1 POLITICAL CHRONICLES: DELHI SULTANATE
It would be difficult for us to discuss here all the contemporary historical writings of the period therefore we would be discussing the seminal figure of the Sultanate, Ziauddin Barani in detail as well as a few representative historians of the period. Largely, the Sultanate writings were penned down in Persian and were also in the Persian tradition. Among the earliest of such writings were Hasan Nizami’s Taj-ul Ma’asir and Fakhr-i Mudabbir’s Adab-ul Harb wa Shuja’at.
1.3 Hasan Nizami
Sadruddin Hasan Nizami’s work (Taj-ul Ma’asir) can be called first official history. It covers the period from the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate (1191-92) upto 1229 CE 1. Barani is full of praise of his master craftsmanship in constructing the Fath Namas. Barani particularly praises his Fath Nama of Lakhnauti, which he believes became ‘a model for dabirs (scribes)’. Hasan had deep impact of Arabic tradition and particularly influenced by his times’ great Khwarizmian scholar Rashid Vatvat. Hasan’s account is full of rhetoric. Even Amir Khusrau and Abul Fazl somewhat emulated his rhetoric.
Hasan belonged to a distinguished scholarly family. A native of Nishapur, his father Nizami Aruzi Samarqandi was a great scholar and friend of the most notable figure of Persia Umar Khayyam. Hasan himself was conscious of his scholarship and had frustration that his scholarship was not recognized that can be seen throughout his work. Muhammad Ali Kufi was his spiritual mentor and at his suggestion only he proceeded from Nishapur to Ghazna and thence to Delhi. This was the time when Aibak invited scholars to write the achievements of Shihabuddin Ghori, Muizuddin Muhammad Bin Sam. At his friend’s insistence, he decided to pen down the work. However, Aibak’s sudden death and further transfer of capital from Lahore to Delhi by Iltutmish put further stress on Hasan, he felt distanced from his homeland. Lahore being closer to Ghazna, he could look towards Ghaznin, contrary to it, Delhi was far from Ghazna and more embedded into ‘Indian’ tradition. All this had deep impact upon Hasan’s writings. His account, though covers upto 1229, Iltutmish was not the focus of his work, thus Iltutmish’s administrative achievements, not even iqta , hardly find space into his work. However, he had great admiration for Aibak who is praised for his generosity towards immigrants. Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui (2014: 52) argues that, Hasan ‘was impressed by the towering personality of his hero, Sultan Qutbuddin Aibak.. contrast, the account of the reign of Sultan Iltutmish seems to have been compiled in haste for the purpose of presenting it at court and getting a reward in return. It lacks the literary charm of the opening part.’
His account largely focuses on the military achievements of his patron Aibak. However, no events between 1197 to 1202 are recorded by Hasan. There is also no mention of Chinghiz Khan’s arrival upto Indus and its impact on Indian politics. Interestingly, conquest of Bengal (capture of Nadia) by Bakhtiyar Khalji nor his military expedition against Tibet is recorded by Hasan suggests that in Shihabuddin’s vision there were three centres independent of each other and Aibak was not made the sole charge of his Indian possessions. In his desire to get rewards
1 However, is most of the manuscripts the account comes upto 1217.
grew up in the harem of Princes Mah Malik who was daughter of Ghiyasuddin Survey of Sources Muhammad bin Sam and the foster-sister and school-mate of Minhaj’s mother. Mah Malik, an educated lady, a hafiz , was fond of Minhaj, liked books and possessed a good library which Minhaj had free access to. Minhaj himself participated in campaigns against Mongols for long four years in 1220s. Minhaj left for India in 1227 via Ghaznin and Banian and reached Uchch by boat. Qubacha got impressed by his academic and intellectual acumen and made him principal of Firuzi Madrasa at Uchch and appointed him qazi-i lashkar of the forces of his son. When Illtutmish annexed Multan in 1227 he accompanied Minhaj to Delhi in 1227. At Delhi he was made imam, qazi, and khatib. In 1231 he accompanied Iltutmish during Gwalior siege. After the conquest he was made imam, qazi, and khatib of Gwalior. In 1237 he regains the principalship of Nasiriah Madrasa. However, following Illtutmish’s death he got involved with the active politics of the court which affected his fortunes. During Raziya’s reign he was removed from his assignment from Gwalior. In 1241 he was made chief qazi of Delhi by Muizuddin. He was so active in politics that the then wazir Muhazzabuddin got him attacked at Jama Masjid, an assault that he escaped unhurt. With Imaduddin Raihan’s rise in power he again had to loose his job. But with Balban’s rise in power again in 1255 he regained his office of qazi-ul quzzat and qaziship of Delhi, a position he held till the end of his life. His Friday sermons were so popular that even Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya used to attend that every Friday during his young days.
These fluctuating fortunes and his active participation in politics influenced Minhaj’s writings. On one occassion he openly sided with Sultan Muizuddin Bahram Shah and had to face the exile for long two years. The lesson learnt thereafter he never got involved openly siding with one group or the other.
The tabaqat begins with the discussion from Adam to Prophet and Caliphs of Islam (1-4 tabaqa ); Afterwards each dynasty is dealt in a separate chapter ( tabaqa ); The history of pre-Islanic Iran and Yemen is discussed in tabaqa 5-6; From the seventh tabaqa onwards Minhaj talks over the history of the ruling dynasties of Iran and Central Asia; 8-10 tabaqa deliberate upon Safavids, Samanids, and Daylamites (Buwahids); tabaqa 16 to 23 are the most exhaustiveones; tabaqa 16-19 deal with Shansbani dynasty of Ghor. From Nasiruddin Mahmud’s reign onwards it turns into an annual chronicle. The discourse ended (the last tabaqa ) with a deliberations on the rise of Mongol power under Chinghiz Khan and his successors.
Though tabaqat is extremely exhaustive and detailed, its focus is largely on narration of political events. Here we would largely be focusing on his writings on Ghor/Ghazana, Delhi Sultans and the Mongols.
For his early history of Islam he consulted as many as fourteen books – Tarikh-i Baihaqi, Tarikh-i Yamini , etc. to name a few. For the Delhi Sultanate he himself was the eyewitness of most of the events and often participant. ‘His account of the Delhi Sultans is informative but not illuminating. Perhaps political considerations, changing attitudes and loyalties of nobles, made him extremely cautious in dealing with the accounts of the Sultans and the nobles of the period’ (Nizami 1982: 79). However, his account of the Mongols which is partly based on his personal observations while dealing with the Mongols at Tulak in 1220s and for later accounts he relied on travellers and merchants who visited Delhi – Rashiduddin Hakim Balkhi, Syed Ashrafuddin Samarqandi who visited Delhi in 1258 for trading.
Interpreting The Delhi Sultanate
Minhaj’s analogy on Bakhtiyar Khalji’s disastrous campaign towards Tibet is interesting. He argues that Bakhtiyar wanted to control the supply line of the Tanghan horses. Similarly, Minhaj’s writings indirectly conveys that he did not like the treachery of Iltutmish in getting rid of his rivals. He clearly underlines Yalduz and Qubacha being ‘rulers of nobler qualities’ than Iltutmish. His tabaqa (22) on the nobles of the Delhi Sultans deals with 25 nobles of Iltutmish. Barani, however, refers to them as a ‘group of forty’ ( turkan-i chihilgani ). Minhaj provides a vivid picture of the life of an amir – their talents, military skills, their racial backgrounds, training of a ‘slave’, Turkish nobles, personal intrigues, their fortunes, their assignments as iqta holders, their duties, etc. However, on account of political considerations some of the important nobles of the time like Qutbuddin Hasan Ghuri (on account of his strained relations with Balban) are missing. Minhaj completely identified himself with the Turkish nobility and the non-Turkish nobles do not find focus of his attention (Minhaj had to suffer his fortunes at the hands of Imaduddin Raihan). Thus Minhaj’s account lacks information pertaining to role of non-Turkish nobles in the Sultanate polity, particularly one hardly gets the idea of the background of the rise of the Khalji nobility. On account of his political affiliations he often ignored certain important events/ developments. For him, rise of Raihan was just accidental. He criticized Raziya for she attempted to break-away the power of the old Turkish nobles by bringing in Yaqut. But at other place he hints at Raziya being the best choice and the unworthiness of Iltutmish’s sons, ‘My sons are engrossed in the pleasures of youth, and none of them possesses the capacity of managing the affairs of the country.. my death it will be seen that not one of them will be found more worthy of the heir-apparentship than she, my daughter’ (Nizami 1982: 84). Balban’s disgraceful methods to usurp power from Nasiruddin Mahmud are too well known. For Minhaj there was a dilemma if he would have supported Nasiruddin it would have umbraged Balban so he projected Nasir as ‘otherworldly’ less interested in the mundane political power. Thus he presented ‘usurpation’ of the power by Balban as the ‘necessity of the situation’. Minhaj also largely suppressed the brutal murder of Qutbuddin Hasan Ghuri, a member of the Turkan-i chihilgani just to escape the disfavour. Nonetheless at other place he calls his assassination as martyrdom ( shahadat ) insinuating little defiance to accept the act to be far from being justified. Minhaj’s projection of Nur Turk as ‘materialistic’ also seems to be far from the truth. For Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya calls him ‘purer than rain water’. Similarly, Minhaj’s details of early Turkish campaigns, though detailed hardly provide the perspective and intensity of the Indian resistance. He has also completely ignored the discussion on the impact of the Turkish conquest and the changing administrative structure (even details on iqtas are missing) of the Turks and the reaction of the masses to it. Even the early Turkish period which was one of the most vibrant age for the development of Sufism in India, with towering figures like Shaikh Muinuddin Chishti, Bakhtiyar Kaki, Shaikh Fariduddin Ganj-i Shakar, Bahauddin Zakaria, Hamiduddin Nagauri, but he talks about none. However, all this does not belittle the importance of Minhaj’s account. Minhaj himself was an acclaimed scholar. Even Nizamuddin Auliya use to visit Minhaj to listen to his weekly discourses. His description of the life and activities of Shamsi and Qutbi maliks is extremely exhaustive with whom he himself was closely connected. But where Minhaj excels without biases is his account of the Mongols.
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Interpreting The Delhi Sultanate
Qiran-us Sadain ( masnavi ) deals with the meeting of Sultan Kaiqubad (son) and Bughra Khan (father) and his march from Delhi to Awadh. Sadain sheds interesting light on the vibrant cultural life of Delhi, which Khusrau believes surpassed Bukhara and Ghazana in importance. It provides interesting insights to various building structures of Delhi, court life, convivial parties, etc. Khusrau’s Miftah-ul Futuh ( masnavi ) deals with Jalauddin Khalji’s accession and his military accomplishments. Khusrau is full of praise of Jalauddin as a commander and a human being; fond of men of literature. He also throws light on Jalal’s early career as a successful warrior against Mongols (in Ghazana and Kurraman) and Afghans (Salt Range). He also discusses Sultan’s four major clashes against Turkish noble Aitmar (Surkha) and Aitmar (Kachhan); Malik Chhajju, governor of Kara; against Ranthambhor. Khusrau not only discusses the siege of Ranthambhor, in which he himself was the participant, but also presents the graphic account of the topography of the region with which he got so much enamoured with, particularly that of the city of Jhain, its desert, rivers. Khusrau’s writings achieves peak in Alauddin Khalji’s reign. He began writing in a new genre i. in prose. Khazain-ul Futuh or Tarikh-i Alai , Deval Rani Khizr Khan ( Ashiqa ), and Nuh Sipahr reflect his creative genius. Khazain-ul Futuh or Tarikh-i Alai largely deals with Alauddin’s Deccan campaigns; even as pre-Sultan his Deogir victory of 1295 down to 1312. Though prior to Deccan conquest details are quite brief about Alauddin’s building construction activities (Siri), repair works (Jama Masjid and Hauz-i Sultani) his price control measures, establishment of Dar-ul Adl , a cloth market, proclamation on prohibition, ban on prostitutes, prevailing peace and safety of roads for trvellers. He calls his price control measures as a ‘public welfare’ unlike Barani who discusses it as an attempt to ensure strengthening of his military to combat Mongol attacks. Ijaz-i Khusrawi primarily a collection of epistles and documents (for details see Section 1 ). It depicts Alauddin’s power at its height; vibrancy of the cultural life of Delhi; strength of Alauddin’s army; densely populated, affluent and vibrant towns and cities. But what stands out in Ijaz-i Khusrawi is Khusrau’s attempt to put forth the ideals of the governance.
Deval Rani Khizr Khan (Ashiqa) is a tragic love story of Deval Rani and Alauddin’s son Khizr Khan (1315). Nuh Sipahr deals primarily with Mubarak Khalji’s Deccan campaigns. It is full of praise of India, its people. It also discusses various dialects spoken in the region. Both masnavis throw light on the vivacity of court rituals and ceremonies, royal births and royal marriages, its rituals; particularly interesting are the details of Khizr Khan’s marriage rituals in Deval Rani Khizr Khan and victory celebrations of Mubarak Khalji at Delhi after his return from Deogir success and Prince Muhammad’s birth ceremonies (1318) in Nuh Sipahr. Amir Khusrau’s Tughlaq Nama celebrates victories of Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq. Only from Tughlaq Nama we could get details of the early career of the founder of the Tughlaq dynasty, Ghazi Malik: Khusrau mentions Ghazi Malik called himself in his early career as mard-i aawara. He was employed by Jalauddin Khalji; later joined Alauddin Khalji’s brother Ulugh Khan. Alauddin got impressed by him during the siege of Ranthambhor. Amir Khusrau’s account is strong on topographical details: geography, rivers, mountains, place names, scenic beauty, forests, along with various stages of the
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army marches all are described with graphic details in the descriptions of routes Survey of Sources from Dipalpur to Delhi ( Tughlaq Nama ); Delhi to the Deccan across Narmada and Vindhyan ranges ( Khazain-ul Futuh ); Delhi to Awadh ( Qiran-us Sadain ). His nostalgia for Delhi was everlasting. While he was in Multan, a city that he never liked, he often remembers the vibrancy of Delhi, echoes of rubab and ud. Though he praises Awadh in his Firqanama , its climate flora-fauna, its mangoes; beauty of Sarayu/Ghaghra; courteous residents, still memories of Delhi haunts him. He was full of praise of Narmada, its scenic beauty of the surroundings. However, among all the cities he was fond of Deogir, wrote a qasida (panegyric) Sahifat-ul Ausaf when accompanied Ulugh Khan (future Muhammad bin Tughluq). He was a great admirer of his country (India): ‘I have praised India for two reasons. First, because India is the land of my birth and our Country.. climate is better than that of Khorasan... here are as learned as Aristotle.’
1.3 Ziauddin Barani
Ziauddin Barani was a prolific writer. His works reflect his profound scholarship. His primary works are: Tarikh-i Firuzshahi and Fatawa-i Jahandari (1335/ [revised]) and Sahifa-i Nat-i Muhammadi.
Barani’s detail account on prices throws valuable light on Alauddin’s price control measures. Barani also throws interesting light on the construction activities of Alauddin – fortification of Siri wall, Jami Mosque, several cities and towns, Hauz Khas, etc. Barani showed his clear dislike for Alauddin for showing disregard for Sharia in dealing with punishments, though he praises in general the progress of the Sultanate under Alauddin and particularly that of Delhi, its bazaars, trade, craftsmen and artisans. Barani’s account of Afghanpura tragedy is of importance where unlike the general blame that Muhammad Tughlaq was responsible for his father’s death; he conspired against him, he emphasizes upon his innocence and calls it an accidental death. He served as nadim (counsellor/courtier) for seventeen years under Muhammad bin Tughlaq and is full of praise for his benefactor, calls him ‘Sultan-i Sa’id, (pious ruler) and a shahid (martyr). Barani informs us that he attempted to combine both spiritual and temporal powers (Caliph of the Prophet and those of the Sultan). He praises him as a genius in military leadership, learning and generosity. Barani also emphasizes upon his great literary pursuits, his interest in the rational sciences ( ilm-i m‘aqul ) and his fondness for philosophers and rationalists and he disregarded traditional sciences ( manqul ), particularly under the influence of Ubaid Sha‘ir (poet) and S’ad Mantaqi (logician). Barani informs that Muhammad Tughlaq was a great supporter of reason. Thus he did not hesitate killing pious and religious minded/orthodox Muslims, ulama , mashaikhs and Saiyyids, nonetheless he was a pious Muslim performing five times prayers. Barani’s comment with regard to failure of his policies is also very important to understand the personality of Muhammad bin Tughlaq. He says that failures of his projects were not on account of his lack of faith in Islam instead because the people were not willing to cooperate for the implementation of his progressive policies. He rather portays him an ‘intellectual follower of Islam, anxious to lead his people on the path of progress through the new laws and regulations formulated by him’ (Siddiqui 2014: 213). Ikhtisan, the dabir-i khas of the Sultan calls him Numan-i Sani (Abu Hanifa of the age) for his command over Islamic law.
Barani’s detailed account of the appointment of various low born to high offices is invaluable. Similarly, the details pertaining to the network of canals built by Sultan
Isami’s father and he was brought up by his grandfather Izzuddin. The chief factor Survey of Sources behind Isami’s antagonism was death of his grandfather Izzuddin during Muhammad Tughlaq’s exodus from Delhi to Daulatabad where he ordered ulama , mashaikh , and nobles to move to Deogir. The journey proved fatal for the 90 year old Izzuddin who succumbed to the pressure of the tortuous journey. ‘No wonder that he describes the lamentations of the caravans moving to Deogir as that of a person “to be buried alive”’ (Nizami 1982: 113). This created so much bitterness against Muhammad bin Tughlaq that when amiran-i sadah rebelled and declared independence in the Deccan he greeted Alauddin Bahman Shah’s success. Isami had a mystic bent of mind and was the disciple of Shaikh Zain-ul Haq, a khalifa of Shaikh Burhanuddin Gharib, who was in turn khalifa of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya.
Isami wanted to write in tune with the literary tradition of Shahnama. His account begins from Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna (999-1030) upto 1350, a history of complete 350 years and dedicated to the founder Bahmanid Sultan Alauddin Bahman Shah. For him Mahmud was the ideal Sultan thus most appropriate point to begin his narrative. For him Mahmud’s invasion of north India heralded laying down of the Islamic Sultanate while in similar manner Alauddin Bahman Shah’s account symbolized the beginning of the Islamic Sultanate in the south.
Besides aspiring to establish his recognition as acclaimed poet, he aimed to please his patron Alauddin Bahman Shah. He began the task at the invitation of Qazi Bahauddin Hajib-i Qissa. Bahman Shah’s ascendancy was a result of a rebellion against the Tughlaq Shah, ‘therefore the ruler could be best pleased if the rebellion was justified and Muhammad Tughluq was painted as a tyrant and a renegade’ (Nizami 1982: 110). Isami has compared Muhammad Tughlaq with a Yezid and a Pharaoh thus legitimized the claims of the nascent Bahmani rule and its rebellion against Muhammad Tughlaq.
Though account is regnal, Isami is poor in recording dates, at times dates are wrongly given. However, his purpose was not to present a chronological account of a particular Sultan instead he aimed at providing an overall impressionistic account of the period. In spite of his misogynist remarks about Raziya his narration that Raziya enjoyed the confidence and popular support of the masses in Delhi is substantiated by the political developmens of Raziya’s reign. However, some information provided by Isami is exclusive, that one does not find anywhere else. There is almost complete void of the events of the last six years of Nasiruddin Mahmud’s reign. Isami fills up the gap. Only through Isami one comes to know that Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud was not the son of Iltutmish but was his grandson. Information on Balban poisoning Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud comes from Isami only and Qutbuddin Hasan Ghuri’s murder was ‘committed at the instance of Balban’. Isami is full of praise of Alauddin Khalji. Isami provides exhaustive details on the creation of amiran-i sadah and Muhammad bin Tughlaq’s nobility. Isami’s mention of Prince Muhammad’s marriage with a Hindu princes sheds an interesting light on the process of Indianisation, which suggests that it began much earlier in the Ilbari period. Isami’s remark on Muhammad Tughluq’s participation in Hindu festivals, celebrating Holi, keeping in company of the jogis reflect the cultural vibrancy of Muhammad Tughlaq’s reign and his egalitarian outlook towards other religious faiths and cultures. Similarly, while Minhaj is silent on Iltutmish’s sufi bent, Isami records about his contacts with the mystics of Baghadad; his verdict on sama. Isami’s account of Alauddin Bahaman Shah and rise of the Bahamanid
Interpreting The Delhi Sultanate
power is the first hand and the most exhaustive account and the ‘primary’ source of the period.
1.3 Shams Siraj Afif
Afif belonged to aristocratic circle of Delhi. His grandfather Malik S’ad-ul Mulk Shihab Afif served Ghazi Malik (Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq) at Dipalpur as an amaldar (revenue official). Afif’s father Siraj and Firuz Tughlaq were said to be the foster brothers. With Ghazi Malik Shihab also moved to Delhi and enjoyed fortunes. Afif informs that his father served as Shab-nawis-i khawassan (keeper of the muster roll of the Sultan’s slaves perfoming night duty) and in the diwan-i wizarat. There is no mention of Afif holding any official post, though Afif often used to go long with his father in his various assignments as well as accompanied Firuz in hunting operations. Shams Siraj Afif’s Tarikh-i Firuz Shahi is an account of Firuz Shah Tughlaq’s reign compiled towards the close of the fourteenth century. It is divided into five qisms (parts) and each with 18 muqadimas (chapters). However, the 4 muqadimas (15th muqadima partially available) of the fifth qisms do not survive. Peter Hardy argues that Afif’s work is more in the form of a sufi tazkira (biography). He attributes historical events ‘to the influence of holy men’. Even Timur’s invasion is looked as ‘inscrutability of the Divine Will which allows calamity to descend upon the people of Delhi’. Even Hansi being left untouched by Timur is explained by Afif on account of the barakat (blessings) of the sufi saint. Hardy believes that aim of Afif was to present the ‘golden age of the Sultanate’ before Timur’s devastation. Hardy (1966: 53-54) criticizes Afif that ‘he does not interpret the past in such a way as to teach specific ethical principles and courses of action. The past is a spectacle of true religion, not a school of true religion’. ‘Thus for Afif there is no organic relation between the biography of Firuz Shah and the history of his time’ (Hardy 1966:51). However, Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui contests that it is free from ‘hagiographical embroidery’ and is ‘historical’. Afif is often weak in providing chronology and exact dates. Tarikh was probably compiled by Afif after Timur’s destruction when he was quite old for he laments over the devastation following Timur’s attack. The text is important to understand Firuz’s expeditions to Lakhnauti, Jajnagar, Nagarkot and Thatta. Afif’s account is also important in the sense that Afif attempts to analyse causes of the defeat of the Delhi Sultans at the hands of Timur in 1398. He saw the onslaught and destruction of the Sultanate by Timur with his own eyes. There are certain happenings which are otherwise not mentioned in other historical work’s of Firuz’s reign can be gleaned from Afif only, particularly, we come to know about Muhammad bin Tughlaq’s sister’s son Dawar Khan’s claim to the throne through Afif. Afif does criticize Firuz Tughlaq’s policy of introducing grant of small iqtas to soldiers and army commanders in lieu of cash salaries and making it hereditary. Afif’s account of buildings, gardens and canals constructed by Firuz is outstanding and full of details. Afif’s description of Rajabwah and Ulugh Khani canals stretching upto his newly built town Hissar Firuza and connecting it to the prosperity of the region is exhaustive. His description of philanthrophic activities, particularly shifakhana (both for animals and humans) with free medicines and food brings to light Firuz’s saintly qualities. Firuz’s interests in astrology and his establishment
Interpreting The Delhi Sultanate
narrations are ‘bare record of the outward physical manifestations of action by Sultans and nobles. History [by him] is a succession of military and political events’ (Hardy 1966: 60). He considers Muhammad bin Sam and Qutbuddin Aibak as the founders of the Sultanate. In spite of following Barani he omits Alauddin’s economic measures. However, his account of Muhammad bin Tughlaq is little elaborate and he does try to analyse the events as a result of human actions. He argues that the peace and prosperity of Alauddin’s reign took the shape of crimes, corruptions, rebellions and terror during Muhammad bin Tughlaq’s reign on account of: i) sack of towns by the Mongols under Tarmashirin; ii) increase of land tax that forced peasants to desert their lands; iii) transfer of entire population from Delhi to Daulatabad; iv) Qarachil expedition which resulted in almost loss of 80000 strong forces; v) repressive policies of Muhammad bin Tughlaq; vi) oppression, violence and tyranny. Yahya argues that on account of that, ‘The affairs of the kingdom fell completely into disorder’. His approach to historical facts is largely ‘casual and indifferent’. Peter hardy (1966: 63) argues that, ‘Events happen first in Yahya’s account and causes are occasionally dragged in afterwards to explain them...[He] writes as a somewhat disinterested spectator of the past’. ‘Yahya ibn Ahmad was simply making a literary offering.. avoidance of the vanities of a wicked world.. Indo-Muslim readers liked to read.. for Yahya ibn Ahmad is a body of transmitted fact, not to be questioned , but to be adorned at random by suitable saws and conventional morals in verse form’ (Hardy 1966: 67). Check Your Progress-
- Do you agree that Minhaj’s account lacks information pertaining to role of non-Turkish nobles in the Sultanate polity? ........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................ ........................................................................................................................ 2) Write the contribution of Barani to history writing. ........................................................................................................................ ........................................................................................................................ ........................................................................................................................ 3) Who was Thakkur Pheru? What light do his works throw on the coinage system, weights and measures and metal technology of the Sultanate period?
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1 INSHA (EPISTOLOGRAPHY) TRADITION
Insha literally means ‘creation’. However, in the medieval period it denotes personal letters, state correspondences. They provide firsthand information on the working
of administration as well as prevailing socio-cultural conditions and ideas during Survey of Sources the medieval period. Insha collections of the Sultanate period that survive today are a few and the most prominent ones are Ijaz-i Khusrawi of Amir Khusrau and Insha-i Mahru of Ain-ul Mulk Abdullah bin Mahru. The best insha collections produced in the 15-16th century in the Deccan are Riyaz-ul Insha of Khwaja Jahan Mahmud Gawan and Insha-i Tahir of Shah Tahir Husaini. During the Sultanate period there existed a separate department of diwan-i insha , with katib , (writer), dabir (commonly used in the Sultanate period) and munshi (more commonly used by the Mughals). They were responsible for the drafting of the official letters. Insha writings were largely written in the context of diwani. Insha literature was directly connected with chancellery practices of the Delhi Sultans and later the Mughals. Interestingly, the surviving insha collections are of those who were not holding any post in the diwan-i insha office. Neither Ain-ul Mulk nor Amir Khusrau ever served in the department of diwan-i insha nonetheless their collections contain apart from state correspondences, important private correspondences as well. These documents often derived from various sources, for the idea of penning down of these documents was largely to provide specimen of all kinds of documents styles available.
There were thus two types of inshas , one, written for epistographical writings, thus they may not necessarily be real. Manazir-ul Insha of Khwaja Jahan Mahmud Gawan is the example of this type of insha. In other types documents/letters/ correspondences are preserved. These second types of insha are of great historical significance.
While Amir Khusrau’s style of insha writing is highly ornate, Insha-i Mahru is comparatively written in simpler form. Ijaz-i Khusrawi was compiled around 1292 CE. Amir Khusrau himself admits that he had also used his imagination in writing factitious letters. However, a few of his letters throw ample light on the contemporary history/society. Amir Khusrau’s insha is also useful in the sense that through these letters we come across the presence of various literary and social figures of his period. It also throws valuable light on contemporary administration, socio-economic conditions and also the religious and literary traditions of the period.
Rashiduddin Fazlullah’s Mukatabat-i Rashidi , though written by a Hamadani, who was a powerful wazir of Il-Khanid Iran, is important to understand the Il-Khanid- Khalji relations. The letters were written during circa 1304-1307 when Fazlullah visited Il-Khanid ruler Uljaitu’s (1304-1316) envoy. It is reported that he received a warm welcome by Alauddin Khalji, even he is reported to have granted four villages to him as suyurghal (revenueÑfree grant). It contains a letter of Alauddin sent to Fazlullah suggests that in spite of Alauddin’s anxieties pertaining to Mongols of Central Asia, he had cordial relations with the Il-Khanids. Through his letters we also come to know about the distinguished literati class of the period. He specifically mentions Maulana Shamsuddin Hindi of Delhi as a distinguished mathematician of his time.
Insha-i Mahru is a collection of Mahru’s personal correspondences, particularly important are his letters which he wrote as governor of Multan during Firuz Shah Tughlaq’s reign; though some pertains to Muhammad Tughlaq’s reign. Insha contains in all 134 documents dealing primarily with manshurs, misals, ahd-namas (oath of loyalty) , arzdashts , personal letters, and proclamations. It throws valuable
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Albab fi Ilm-il Hisab of Firuz Shah’s period written by Abdul Hamid Muharrir Survey of Sources Ghaznavi. He produced the work mainly to instruct his son in the art of ledger- keeping. It throws valuable light on various administrative proceedures and norms as well as a number of technical terms used during the period.
1 INSCRIPTIONS
In this Section our focus is mainly on Arabic/Persian and Sanskrit inscriptions.
1.6 Arabic and Persian Inscriptions
The major difference between the Persian and the Sanskrit inscription style is while ‘Hindu’ inscriptions (Sanskrit) of pre-1200 attained special importance owing to the great dearth of historical sources.. is missing for the Muslim period of history (Persian/Arabic inscriptions)’ (Bendrey 1944). In fact one would find brevity in Arabic and Persian inscriptions; while Sanskrit inscriptions are full of genealogical details and throw considerable light on ‘personal’ details of the inscriber/monarch/donee. However, Persian inscriptions of Nagaur (Rajasthan) and Gujarat are exceptions in this regard. They are rich in genealogies.
Earlist Arabic inscriptions are found from Sind, Gujarat and Haryana. Almost all pre-Mughal inscriptions from Bengal are Arabic; interestingly, one of the earliest inscriptions of Persian also comes from Bengal (1229-1231 of Balka Khan Khalji). In contrast, all Sultanat inscriptions in Gujarat are in Persian, though Arabic dominated during the period of Gujarat Sultanate (1406-1580).
Moreover, even inscribing of Quranic verses, argues Anthony Welch, are not ‘created out of context’. According to Welch they carry ‘symbolic and allegoric’ meaning. Welch while analyzing Quranic verses inscribed in the Qutb Complex argues that it served the purpose of dar-ul Islam and are valuable in reflecting the religious thoughts and values of a monarch.
Persian inscriptions are also important in understanding the working of the Sultanate administration at the grassroot level. Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlaq’s Chunar inscription of 1333 records the appointment of a Hindu Sai Raj as his wazir. Though ample information is available on ariz-i mumalik (head of the military department), there is hardly any information available on the presence of ariz at provincial levels. Inscription of 1404-1405 shows the presence of such ariz at provincial level as well. Similarly, in the Sultanate period Hajib’s position was that of an intermediary between the officials and the Sultan. Firuz’s inscription of 1319 interestingly refers to an office of hajib-i Hinduan probably meant to liaison between the Sultan and the provincial Hindu officials visiting the court. Likewise, inscriptions of Lodi period suggest that the provincial divisions of shiqq and pargana got firmly established under the Lodis.
Some of the inscriptions throw light on the prevailing sectarian biases. Some inscritions found on Nilgaraun ki Masjid (1381, Chatsu, Rajasthan), Rangarezon ki Masjid (1439, Hindaun, Rajasthan) suggest presence of ‘caste’/‘profession’ related specific worship-places (mosques). One of the inscriptions (1400-1401) of Mahmud Shah Tughlaq (1394-1413) throws light on the tremors of chaos and terror created by Timur’s invasion.
Firuz Shah’s Futuhat-i Firuz Shahi was originally inscribed on the Jami Mosque of Firuzabad, perhaps inspired by inscription of the Ashokan pillar to communicate
Interpreting The Delhi Sultanate
people through inscriptions. It primarily meant to applaud the achievements, charity and welfare activities of Sultan Firuz. K. Nizami calls it ‘essentially a religious inscription’ for it largely relates to the religious activities and was originally inscribed on the walls of the Jami mosque. Mention of mulhid (heretic) and ibahati ( kafir ) in Futuhat and the punishments meted out to Ahmad Bihari, Rukn and Mehdi suggest that during this period heretic trends emerged in prominence. It provides detailed account of the building activities of Firuz, even those within the shrine of Nizamuddin Auliya, though, his secular constructions particularly network of canal, etc. are missing from the account. Firuz also mentions about the general ban imposed by him on visits to the kunds and also ban inflicted upon women in particular visiting sufi shrines. All this provides insights into Firuz’s religious ideas. Sultan also mentions about the building of a state hospital where free food and medicines were provided. It also informs us Firuz receiving a manshur (letter of investiture) from the Caliph.
1.6 Sanskrit Inscriptions
Sanskrit inscriptions are important source to understand the historical developments of the Sultanate period.
Among the Sanskrit inscriptions the most important one is the Palam Baoli Inscription inscribed on a stepped well ( baoli ) by the builder Uddhara, a resident of Delhi. Though it is not dated but genealogies of Sultans ends at Balban suggests that it belongs to Balban’s period. It is thirty one lines long inscription written in Nagari script. It is interesting that the inscription provides a complete list of the Delhi Sultans beginning from Shihabuddin Muhammad bin Sam upto Balban. Balban is adorned with (Hindu) titles like Hammira and Nayaka. Interestingly it does not include Aram Shah’s name suggests that Aram Shah was probably not officially recognized as ruler. Similarly, as Raziya’s coins contain the name Jalaluddin, for Raziya here also the word Jalaluddin is mentioned. Another important information it sheds is on the then regions of India (while defining the extent of Balban’s empire; though its exaggerated). It speaks of Gauda (Bengal), Andhra, Kerala, Karnata (Karnataka), Gurjjara and Lata (Gujarat). Similarly, it identifies the builder Uddhara with Ucca (Uchha, near Multan). It is important on two counts: one, it informs us that the place was situated on the confluence of Sutlej, Beas and Chenab with Indus suggests that these rivers flowed independently till they reached Uchh. Besides, the inscription also throws light on the presence of Multani merchants in Delhi. Uddhara was probably a Multani merchant settled in Delhi. Barani informs that Multani was a rich merchant community, even advancing loans to the state (Balban). For Uddhara title thakkura is used. Here usage thakkura for a non-kshatriya is interesting; similar usage could be found in Kapiladhara Stone Inscription (1194) of Varanasi district where title thakkura is used for builder of Kapiladhara tank Lakshmidhara who was a Vastavaya (Srivastava; a Kayastha). The inscription is also important for it provides one of the earliest references of the usage of the word ‘Hariana’ (Minhaj has also used the term in his Tabaqat ). Qutb Minar Stone Inscription informs that Alauddin Khalji brought structural changes in the fourth storey of the Qutb Minar and added a cupola ( chhatri ) to it. Another Qutb Minar inscription of 1326 and 1332 of Muhammad bin Tughlaq’s period refers that the fourth storey got damaged by lightening and was repaired by
Unit-1 HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA
Course: BA (Hons.) History
University: University of Delhi
- Discover more from:BA (Hons.) HistoryUniversity of Delhi999+ Documents
- More from:BA (Hons.) HistoryUniversity of Delhi999+ Documents
